The
 concept of Man of the Year (changed to Person of the Year in 1999) was 
developed by Time Magazine in 1927 to recognise and feature a person, 
group, idea or object that “for better or for worse…has done the most to
 influence the events of the year.”
It took me only a few minutes to decide 
that there was no single person in Nigeria in 2013, who “influenced the 
events of the year” to the point of being named Man of the Year. True, 
there were notable individuals who made significant splashes, but there 
were even more interesting developments for which groups of individuals 
were responsible. Although each of the developments was specific to a 
particular sector of our national life, many citizens were affected 
beyond those sectors. The four major developments, which dominated the 
news “for better or for worse” in 2013, are: Corruption in the economic 
sector; terrorism in the security sector; 2015 politics in the political
 sector; and the strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities in 
the education sector. Most events in 2013 were influenced by one or more
 of these developments.
Corruption scandals dominated the 
economy in 2013, despite reported gains in economic growth. The scandals
 included the fuel subsidy scam; the Stock Exchange scam; the pension 
scheme fraud;Oduahgate; record high extrabudgetary spending of N1.17trn 
in Service Wide Vote; and lavish spending on housing, transport, 
entertainment, and transport especially by the executive and legislative
 branches of government. So dominant was corruption throughout the year 
that it occupied centre stage in the letters to President Goodluck 
Jonathan by former President Olusegun Obasanjo and the Governor of the 
Central Bank, Lamido Sanusi, as well as a highly charged public 
statement by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu 
Tambuwal. Besides, many editorials and columns highlighted corruption 
and its effects throughout the year.
If the disclosures by highly placed 
Nigerians and the press are considered political (which some of them 
certainly are), what about the finding by the Transparency International
 in the 2013 Corruption Perception Index, which rates Nigeria among the 
most corrupt nations in the world? In any case, no one needs to wait for
 the CPI rating to recognise the debilitating effects of corruption at 
federal, state, and local levels on infrastructure, education, health 
care, and citizens’ welfare.
The lust for a share of the national 
cake by hook or crook by the top one per cent has produced an 
“it-is-our-turn-to-chop” political philosophy, which underlies most 
political struggles at federal, state, and local levels. That’s why 
posturing for the 2015 presidential election by various politicians 
began in earnest during the second half of 2013. Today, 2015 politics is
 defined by several related events, including the Nigerian Governors’ 
Forum chairmanship election; the Show of Shame in the Rivers State House
 of Assembly; the shenanigans associated with the election of the 
national executive for the Peoples Democratic Party; the coalition of 
several minority parties to form the All Progressives Congress; the 
split within the PDP; the formation of the “New PDP” and the defection 
of aggrieved party members, including governors and legislators, to the 
APC; Obasanjo’s letter to Jonathan, the latter’s response, and numerous 
reactions to them. It has been suggested that these developments 
underlie Jonathan’s reluctance in replacing sacked ministers since 
September because he no longer knows who to trust.
The critical question is: If the polity 
began to “heat up” in 2013 ahead of the 2015 election, what kind of 
election would we have? This is where the third development listed above
 comes in. It will be recalled that Jonathan’s election in 2011 was 
preceded by physical and verbal thuggery and followed by the worst 
post-election violence in the nation’s history. His subsequent 
inauguration ushered in the escalation of terrorist activities. Wanton 
killings and the destruction of property by Boko Haram continued even 
after the offer of amnesty and the declaration of a state of emergency 
in three Northern states. Today, the nation remains insecure as armed 
robbers, kidnappers, pirates, and pipeline vandals continue to piggyback
 on the government’s inability to curb terrorism. The Fund for Peace, 
which publishes the Failed States Index annually, sees these 
developments as indications of the state’s inability to control its 
territory. In the 2013 FSI, the loss of territorial control, corruption,
 poor infrastructure, poor governance, and inadequate provision of 
necessary political goods, pushed Nigeria to the league of war-torn 
countries on the verge of failure.
While the three developments discussed 
above, namely, corruption, 2015 politics, and terrorism, continue to 
have debilitating effects on the state and its citizens, the fourth 
development brought mixed blessings. It is the ASUU strike, which kept 
millions of students out of public universities for nearly six months. 
Since politicians, policymakers, and even many of the striking 
professors send their children to private universities at home or to 
foreign universities abroad, the burden of taking care of the students 
evacuated from university campuses during the strike fell largely on 
farmers, artisans, market women, petty traders, and other working class 
families, whose children predominate in public universities. Yet, these 
are the parents most affected by the economic strangulation caused by 
corruption, poor infrastructure, and weak governance.
Incidentally, these same factors are 
responsible for the government’s neglect of the education sector, which,
 in turn, precipitated ASUU’s strike. To ASUU’s credit, the strike 
succeeded in two significant ways. First, for the first time in history,
 the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria was dragged to the 
negotiating table. Second, the Federal Government committed over N1tn 
over four years to the development of infrastructure and other necessary
 facilities in public universities, beginning with an initial deposit of
 N200bn with the Central Bank of Nigeria. At the end of the day, the 
fruit of the strike is expected to boost the quality of higher education
 in the country, provided the Federal Government keeps its promise.
It is this expected positive 
contribution to the development of higher education in the near future 
that inspired me to name ASUU, the Man of the Year 2013. But this is a 
crown ASUU must wear with the utmost caution as the ball has now fallen 
into the court of university teachers to also make their own 
contribution. They must become ready and effective teachers. True, 
things will not change overnight with the poor facilities now in place. 
However, the time for university teachers to begin to change their 
attitude to work is now. Simultaneous employment in two, three, or more 
universities must stop. Teaching without prepared lectures must stop. 
Sex for grades must stop.
There is also another challenge before 
ASUU. If the Federal Government keeps its part of the agreement, public 
sympathy will be hard to come by in the near future should ASUU embark 
on another strike. It is therefore necessary for ASUU to develop a 
strategy, other than a strike, for getting the government
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